The Illusion of Justice: Israel’s Military Investigation’s Theatre in Gaza

American attorney and political advocate Ralph Nader recently proposed, through straightforward reasoning and keen observation, that the Israelis and their media conglomerate around the World are intentionally fabricating and distorting the actual count of casualties (both deceased and injured) in the Gaza Strip. Nader contends that both the Israeli and U.S. governments have their motivations for minimising the death toll, and that Israel has barred external journalists from entering Gaza, including Israeli reporters, to allow the Israeli Occupying Force to carry out the grim tasks of genocide and mass murder with minimal oversight. The IDF’s opacity regarding the investigation of its own alleged war crimes is becoming more and more concerning, as Israel has mastered the art of creating a theatrical facade of justice. On July 22, 2025,  Dennis Bernstein interviewed Ralph Nader on his podcast “Flashpoints”, where he spoke of a “Palestinian Holocaust” of 500,000 Dead, and explained:

“You can’t have a tiny enclave, the size geographically of Philadelphia, with 2.3 million people, have 170,000 tons of bombs, all kinds of artillery, sniper fire, denial of food, water, medicine, health care, all kinds of infectious diseases, destroying homes, apartment buildings, markets, religious institutions, educational institutions, anything that stands, anything that moves… 75 percent of Gaza is now completely destroyed.” adding,“And they’re trying to persuade us that there are still 97 out of every 100 Gazans alive? What are they made of — steel and asbestos?”

Many Palestinian children have tragically died as a result of direct military strikes. According to Nader, Israel has dropped around 170,000 tons of explosives on Gaza, leading to Palestinian fatalities from direct hits, collapsing buildings, fires, and exposure to toxic substances. Healthcare workers have reported cases of children being killed by drone strikes and snipers, suffering injuries such as gunshot wounds to the head and chest. While the notably high child mortality rate can partly be linked to demographic factors—about 47% of Gaza’s population is under 18—it is essential to acknowledge the increasing number of reports suggesting that Israel’s military operations in Gaza are deliberately targeting children. Perhaps the most alarming statistic is the conservative estimate of 160 instances where children have been deliberately shot by the IDF since the onset of the conflict in Gaza. The BBC published findings from their investigation, revealing that in 95 of these cases, the child was shot in either the head or chest, with the majority of victims being under the age of 12. 

VIDEO: Investigating the killings of children in Gaza  (WATCH:  BBC World Service Documentaries)

Since 2005, Yesh Din, an Israeli non-profit organisation composed of professional staff, lawyers, and human rights specialists, has been gathering and sharing trustworthy and current information about systematic human rights abuses in the OPT. In their May 2024 report, titled “The General Staff Whitewashing Mechanism,” which examines Israel’s law enforcement system and violations of international law and war crimes in Gaza, the organisation identifies at least 664 incidents submitted to the FFA Mechanism, an Israeli law enforcement body established in 2014 after “Operation Protective Edge”, which addresses complaints against IDF soldiers suspected of violating international laws and the laws of war, before determining whether to launch an investigation. The data Yesh Din obtained from the IDF suggests that the results of actions taken by Israeli law enforcement agencies, especially the FFA Mechanism, concerning serious incidents that imply breaches of international law, are far from adequate. In many instances, the FFA Mechanism’s operations are marked by prolonged timelines that hinder the possibility of a thorough investigation into incidents that the IDF deliberately chooses not to investigate to avoid prosecuting soldiers who inflict harm on Palestinians, especially when crimes are alleged to have been committed against the civilian population of Gaza. Some of the most sensitive investigations into these horrific incidents are exclusively entrusted to the Military Advocate General’s Corps (the MAG Corps).

DOCUMENT: Yesh Din report, “The General Staff Whitewashing Mechanism” (Source: Yesh Din)
YeshDin+Mechanism

Almost 90% of Israeli military probes into claims of war crimes or misconduct by its troops since Oct 7 have been concluded without identifying any wrongdoing or remain unresolved, as reported by Action on Armed Violence (AOAV), a London-based charity that records, investigates and disseminates evidence of armed violence against civilians worldwide. AOAV describes “Israel’s system of self-investigation for military crimes as little more than political theatre”.

Graham Blewitt, a former deputy prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), was recently interviewed by SBS News, which sought to understand, “How would alleged Gaza war crimes be punished?” Blewitt begins by referencing a Guardian report that reveals Mossad director Yossi Cohen’s supposed involvement in a covert scheme to pressure ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda into abandoning the Palestine war crimes investigation— The Guardian’s report exposes ‘Israel’s nine-year ‘war’ on the International Criminal Court during which Cohen allegedly surveilled, hacked, coerced, and threatened senior ICC personnel in an attempt to obstruct the court’s inquiry into Israeli war crimes in the Palestinian Occupied Territories (OPT). Furthermore, Blewitt asserts that a former colleague who was part of the Netanyahu and Gallant indictments resigned from the ICC due to stress after being advised by law enforcement to take security measures, including installing a bulletproof front door and windows at their residence. Blewitt clarifies that the ICC can only issue indictments against Israel’s leaders if it can demonstrate that Israel has not thoroughly investigated the alleged offenses and held those accountable, which underscores the significance of the above-mentioned AOAV report. The primary challenge, as Blewitt points out, is that “it’s not feasible for investigators to access Gaza on the ground or to examine crime scenes.” He further noted that “the process of probing alleged war crimes in Gaza would differ significantly from his experiences in the 1990s, when social media and iPhones were nonexistent.”

For a long time, we have held the belief that Israel’s so-called “Humanitarian City” initiative, which aims to forcibly relocate starving Palestinians into exile worldwide against their wishes, includes a filtering operation designed to retrieve all digital evidence captured by the dwindling number of Palestinian journalists and civilians during the 600+ days of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Should Israel succeed, it will also sanitise the crime scene by bulldozing the Gaza Strip,  minimising the evidence available for the ICC and other international organisations to conduct thorough forensic investigations into crimes committed by the IDF.

Today, we are highlighting AOAV’s newest investigation, which explores 52 claims of war crimes purportedly carried out by Israel. It reveals the methods and processes the Hebrew State employs to examine its own criminal activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, demonstrating how these mechanisms often protect the IDF from facing accountability instead of uncovering misconduct and delivering justice….

IMAGE: Investigating War Crimes in Gaza (Source: Al Jazeera)

Iain Overton and Lucas Tsantzouris report for AOAV…

88% of Israeli investigations into recent Gaza abuse allegations stalled or closed without findings, with just one leading to criminal sentencing

An investigation by Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has found that in 88% of 52 publicly claimed Israeli military probes into alleged war crimes in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, the cases were either still under review with no public data on progress, or had been closed without any finding of wrongdoing.

In all the cases examined, only one (<2%) ended up with a prison sentence against the accused.

These investigations would only have been triggered by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) for the most severe or public accusations of wrongdoing by their forces. Given the scale of civilian harm in Gaza and the fact that these inquiries only cover the most egregious and often widely publicised incidents, this pattern of impunity further undermines the repeated claims by the IDF that its operations are governed by the highest standards of international humanitarian law.

Israeli officials frequently assert that whenever allegations of civilian harm arise, they are swiftly investigated, independently reviewed, and transparently resolved. It seems this may not be the case and raises the question – are claims towards investigating widely-condemned incidents acts of political theatres on the part of the IDF? Displays of governance that, in the end, achieve little to nothing?

Between October 2023 and June 2025, AOAV found 52 publicly reported incidents in English-language media reports in which the Israeli military either acknowledged investigations or where serious allegations of civilian harm were reported.

In total, some 1,303 people were reported killed in the 52 events, some 1,880 people injured, and two people reportedly tortured. Of the 52 allegations of war crimes, only six cases (12%) resulted in any admission of error. Of these, only one resulted in a punitive outcome that involved a legal sanction (i.e., a prison sentence). Three of the incidents led to officers being dismissed or reprimanded. Seven cases (13%) were closed with findings of no violation. The remaining 39 (75%) – three-quarters – either remain “under review” or have no official outcome reported in the English-language press.

DATA: Israel War Crimes Investigation Report

The data, drawn from Israeli military statements and credible media reports, paints a picture not of military accountability, but of disingenuous damage control. AOAV’s media reporting review revealed some major concerns. We were struck by how the internal investigation process was – perhaps purposefully – opaque. At how infrequently accountability was served. And there was a lurking suspicion that the outcomes of any investigation may have been to serve to protect institutional legitimacy rather than to deliver justice.

This failure to deliver justice has been noted in previous reviews. According to data from the Israeli human rights organisation Yesh Din, Israel’s primary investigative body for alleged war crimes (the General Staff Mechanism for Fact-Finding Assessments or FFA Mechanism) has consistently served to shield rather than expose wrongdoing.

Of at least 664 complaints submitted in previous Gaza conflicts, 542 (over 80%) were reportedly closed without criminal investigation. Only 19 cases progressed to a formal investigation, and just one led to an indictment. This represents a rise of 0.17 % in prosecution rate. Yesh Din concludes that the FFA operates less as a tool of accountability and more as a legal shield: delays are systemic, investigations avoid high-ranking officials entirely, and military policy decisions such as rules of engagement are never subject to review. The mechanism, in effect, provides Israel with a procedural façade to resist international pressure while failing to uphold the principles of justice and the laws of war.

The Israeli military itself has publicly claimed it is pursuing accountability. According to the Military Advocate General (MAG), 74 criminal investigations have been launched since the beginning of the current conflict, including 44 cases involving the deaths of detainees, 8 concerning alleged mistreatment in custody, 3 regarding unlawful destruction of civilian property, 13 related to pillaging or theft of ammunition, and 6 into the alleged illegal use of force. While these figures may indicate official responsiveness, the effectiveness and independence of such inquiries remain unclear – particularly in light of the overwhelming pattern of impunity observed here by AOAV. MAG does not provide more details of these investigations, and the IDF did not respond to our requests for comment.

Overall, then, it appears that Israel’s system of self-investigation for military crimes is little more than political theatre.

It acts as a bulwark against international scrutiny, shielding it from external probes, including those by the International Criminal Court. But in practice, these investigations appear designed less to uphold justice than to protect institutional legitimacy.

Six Confirmed Violations: A Pattern of Deadly Mistakes

The six violations Israel has acknowledged showed that when deadly force was used on civilians or humanitarian workers, and it reached the bar for an internal review, errors may have been confirmed, but justice was rarely forthcoming.

1. Maghazi Refugee Camp, 24 December 2023
On Christmas Eve, an Israeli airstrike flattened residential buildings in the Maghazi camp, east of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, killing a first reported 70 but later an estimated 86 people, according to the United Nations. The IDF later acknowledged that the strike used munitions unsuitable for such a densely populated area and admitted “unintended harm” to civilians. While the military expressed “regret,” it imposed no disciplinary sanctions and took no legal action. The case was closed quietly.

2. Torture at Sde Teiman, 1 January – 1 June 2024
Inside Israel’s own borders, serious violations have emerged at the Sde Teiman detention centre, where Palestinian detainees—many from Gaza—were held. One Israeli reservist was found guilty of aggravated abuse after punching blindfolded prisoners and forcing them to bark like animals. According to the BBC, he admitted to three counts of aggravated abuse and one of unbecoming conduct as part of a plea deal with prosecutors. The Beit Lid Military Court subsequently sentenced him to seven months in prison. While the IDF acknowledged “several incidents” of abuse, it neither named the soldier nor disclosed any systemic reforms. In a separate case, five IDF reservists were indicted in February 2025 for the severe abuse of a Palestinian detainee at Sde Teiman on 5 July 2024. According to reports in The Times of Israel and The New York Times, the soldiers are accused of beating the detainee unconscious and then continuing to assault him while he was shackled. The case remains pending, with no update since charges were filed and is not included in the confirmed violations, accordingly.

3. World Central Kitchen, 1 April 2024
One of the most widely condemned incidents of the war involved the killing of seven aid workers from World Central Kitchen in an Israeli drone strike. The victims – citizens of Australia, the UK, Poland, and Palestine – were delivering food aid and travelling in clearly marked vehicles whose coordinates had been shared with Israeli forces in advance. The IDF admitted to a “serious failure” and dismissed a colonel and a major. While criminal prosecution was left on the table, no formal charges have followed.

4. Balata Refugee Camp, 19 December 2024
In the occupied West Bank, 80-year-old Palestinian grandmother Halima Abu Leil was shot and killed during a night-time raid on the Balata camp in Nablus. CCTV footage later revealed that IDF soldiers had used a vehicle marked as an ambulance during the operation. This was a clear violation of international humanitarian norms. The IDF admitted that the vehicle’s use was a “serious offence” and reprimanded the commander of the Duvdevan unit. However, the killing of Abu Leil itself remains officially unexplained, with the IDF merely stating that “the circumstances of the incident are being examined.”

5. UN Compound Strike, 19 March 2025
A UN compound operated by the Office for Project Services (UNOPS) in Deir al-Balah was shelled by Israeli tank fire, killing a Bulgarian UN staffer and injuring six other international workers. Israel initially denied involvement and accused Hamas of using UN facilities as cover. Only after sustained diplomatic pressure did the IDF admit responsibility, citing misidentification of the target. The IDF apologised and shared preliminary findings with the UN, but no legal consequences were pursued for those involved.

6. Ambulance Convoy Massacre, 23 March 2025
Perhaps the most shocking of all: on 23 March, 15 Palestinian medics were killed when Israeli soldiers opened fire on a clearly marked ambulance convoy. The IDF initially claimed the vehicles had been moving without headlights, but widely circulated video evidence refuted this. Days later, the military admitted to “professional failures” and confirmed that a deputy commander had been dismissed.

No Fault Found: Seven Incidents, Zero Action

While the six confirmed violations are disturbing, perhaps more telling is the fate of the other 45 cases reviewed by AOAV. In 38 of them (75%) there was no clear outcome, no published findings, or they are ongoing investigations with no evidence that justice has been served.

This opacity is not an accident. In June 2024, Israel’s Military Advocate General, Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi said that around 70 cases were under investigation, but refused to release the full list. The military told the Associated Press that it would only comment on individual cases when pressed. Such a posture makes accountability contingent on media attention, not on the rule of law.

Moreover, in at least seven high-profile incidents, Israeli investigators found “no wrongdoing.” This includes the 15 December 2023 case where three Israeli hostages—waving white flags—were shot dead by IDF soldiers. Despite acknowledging the killings, the army concluded the troops acted within the bounds of combat stress and confusion. No legal consequences followed. Another example: the 7 October killing of Israeli woman Efrat Katz, who was reportedly shot by an IDF helicopter as she was being abducted by Hamas. Again, the IDF admitted the strike, blamed faulty intelligence, and declared no violation had occurred.

These cases are:

1. Nir Oz, 7 October 2023
During the chaos of Hamas’ assault on southern Israel, 68-year-old Efrat Katz was likely killed by Israeli fire. As her car, hijacked by militants, left Kibbutz Nir Oz, an Israeli Apache helicopter opened fire. After the incident, the IDF stated it was unaware she was in the vehicle until after reviewing surveillance footage and eyewitness testimony. An internal investigation concluded that no rules of engagement were breached. Air Force Chief Maj. Gen. Tomer Bar publicly declared the crew had “operated in compliance with the orders in a complex reality of war.” No action was taken.

2. Al-Ahli Hospital, 17 October 2023
A devastating explosion struck the Al-Ahli Arab Hospital in Gaza City, killing hundreds. Initially attributed to an Israeli airstrike by Palestinian officials, Israel denied responsibility and launched a rapid After Action Review. The IDF concluded that the explosion was caused by a misfired rocket from Islamic Jihad, not by Israeli forces. They claimed no strikes had been conducted in the area at the time and described the subsequent reports as exaggerated by Hamas. No independent investigation followed.

3. Hostages Killed in Tunnel, 14 December 2023

Three Israeli hostages—Cpl. Nik Beizer, Sgt. Ron Sherman and Elia Toledano were killed while held in a Hamas-built tunnel in Gaza. The IDF determined that their deaths were “highly likely” the result of an Israeli airstrike. Despite this, the investigation found no breach of military conduct. It concluded that, although tragic, the deaths were an unfortunate by-product of legitimate targeting activity. No measures were taken beyond the internal review.

4. Hostages Mistakenly Shot, 15 December 2023

A day later, another tragedy unfolded as three Israeli hostages who had escaped Hamas captivity were mistakenly shot by IDF soldiers. The men were shirtless, waving a white cloth, and speaking Hebrew. An internal investigation concluded that the soldiers believed they were under imminent threat and acted in confusion and fear. Though the incident was deemed preventable, no disciplinary action was taken, with officials citing the absence of “malice” as a key factor in their decision not to prosecute.

5. Killing of Hind Rajab, 29 January 2024
Hind Rajab, a five-year-old Palestinian girl, died in a car alongside several family members during an Israeli military operation in Gaza. Despite repeated emergency calls alerting authorities to her presence, her body was later discovered in the shelled vehicle. The IDF stated the case was “under review” and later asserted that Israeli troops were not present near or within firing range of the vehicle. No investigation findings have been released, and no admission of fault has been made.

6. Elazar Junction Shooting, 21 March 2024
Sameh Zeitoun, a 62-year-old Palestinian convert to Judaism who took the name David Ben Avraham, was shot dead by Israeli reserve soldiers near the Elazar Junction in the West Bank. Soldiers claimed he aroused suspicion during operational activity. A military police investigation was opened, but a judge later ruled that the shooting was the result of mistaken identity during heightened alert. The reservist was released without charge. The case was closed without a finding of wrongdoing.

7. Red Cross Compound Shelling, 21 June 2024
A shelling incident near the ICRC compound in Gaza killed 22 people and damaged the humanitarian office surrounded by displaced civilians. While the Israeli military initially said it was reviewing the incident, it denied conducting a strike within the “safe zone.”The initial inquiry found that there was ‘no direct attack carried out by the IDF against a Red Cross facility. The IDF further claimed it would examine the incident ‘quickly’ and present the findings. No independent investigation has confirmed this account.

Five notable yet unresolved incidents
In our review of 52 publicly documented incidents in which the Israeli military claimed to be investigating alleged violations of international humanitarian law since the war in Gaza began in October 2023, only a handful have resulted in confirmed findings of wrongdoing—and even fewer in meaningful accountability. Many others remain opaque, unresolved, or indefinitely “under review.”

Among these, we identified five incidents as clearly of gross concern in terms of civilian casualties and humanitarian harm, based on available reporting and the Israeli military’s own statements. These cases stand out not only for the scale of death and the suffering they involved, but also for the striking absence of transparent or timely justice. They are listed below.  Non-inclusion in this short list does not indicate that we have made an editorial judgement on one being more or less severe than the other.

1. Khan Younis, Gaza, 24 January 2024
A building sheltering hundreds of displaced people in the city of Khan Younis was hit by Israeli tank fire, according to the UN, as Israeli forces intensified attacks on southern Gaza. The IDF stated it had “currently” ruled out an aerial or artillery strike by its forces. A “thorough review” of nearby operations was said to be underway, with the IDF suggesting the strike might have been caused by Hamas fire. No update has since been provided.

2. Gaza, 29 February 2024
At least 112 Palestinians were killed after crowds rushed aid lorries delivering food in the early hours of the morning. The IDF claimed most casualties resulted from a “stampede,” with Israeli forces firing “warning shots” and later responding to “immediate threats.” The case was handed to an independent body, but no findings have yet been made public.

3. Khan Younis, Gaza, 22 March 2024
Footage aired by Al Jazeera appeared to show IDF drone strikes targeting unarmed Palestinian men. The IDF acknowledged the video and referred the incident to its General Staff Fact-Finding Assessment Mechanism for review. As of now, no outcomes have been announced.

4. Rafah, Gaza, 26 May 2024
At least 37 civilians, many sheltering in tents, were killed by Israeli air and artillery strikes. A preliminary IDF inquiry claimed the munitions used were too small to cause the blaze that killed the victims. The case was referred to an “independent” fact-finding group. No further updates or disciplinary actions have been announced.

5. Jenin, 23 June 2024
During a raid in the West Bank city of Jenin, Israeli soldiers tied a wounded Palestinian man—Mujahed Azmi—to the front of a military jeep and drove through the streets. Footage of the incident, verified by Reuters, sparked international outrage. The IDF admitted the act and opened an investigation, calling it a violation of orders and military values. As of now, no findings or disciplinary actions have been disclosed.

A justice system paralysed by design?

Combined, from such evidence, a pattern emerges: the more civilians are killed, the more opaque and slow-moving the investigations seem to become. Even when the IDF does eventually admit to failure, consequences are minimal and delayed and rarely lead to punitive courtroom proceedings.

This is not the result of a lack of evidence – video footage, eyewitness testimony, and credible journalistic investigations abound. Rather, it reflects a justice system paralysed by design: one that appears to shield its own in the name of national security, all while families grieve in the shadow of impunity. And, for the victims of these attacks, the wait for justice is not only agonising, it may be without end.

As such it is hard not to conclude that the IDF’s emphasis on internal reviews is not just a procedural preference, but one born from a legal strategy. Israeli officials and their supporters frequently argue that international courts, such as the ICC, have no jurisdiction over Israel because its military conducts “robust and credible” investigations. This is the principle of complementarity under international law: that domestic mechanisms should be given precedence.

But such a principle is undermined when investigations are neither timely, independent, nor public. The UN’s Goldstone Report from the 2008–09 Gaza War made similar criticisms, concluding that an Israeli self-investigation “lacks transparency and credibility.” Little seems to have changed since.

The cycle has become familiar: a massacre sparks headlines; the IDF announces a review; months later, a muted statement (if one is even made) acknowledges “mistakes” but denies criminality.  The world moves on.

As Shawan Jabarin, the general director of Al-Haq, a Palestinian human rights organisation in the West Bank, told AOAV: “The culture of impunity in Israel is not a flaw in the system — it is the system. This is not a case of a few rogue soldiers or isolated incidents. The lack of investigations and prosecutions of Israeli occupying forces is part of official state policy. Palestinian and even Israeli human rights organisations have long ceased turning to the Israeli Attorney General because so-called ‘investigations’ serve only as a fig leaf for international consumption.”

“At most, and only in rare cases, individuals face minor disciplinary action,” he said. “Court proceedings are almost unheard of. This is not a justice system failing to function — it is a system functioning exactly as intended. The culture of impunity is deliberate, embedded, and systematic. It is not about individual soldiers or officers — the system itself is structured to enable, protect, and perpetuate these violations. We challenge the Israeli authorities to release the full statistics: how many cases were submitted, their nature, and why they were closed. The world must stop treating this as a series of unfortunate exceptions. Impunity in Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is the norm, and it is by design.”

Elsewhere, justice is under threat. The ICC’s announcement last year of arrest warrants against both Hamas leaders and Israeli officials is a welcome step. But unless such mechanisms are backed by diplomatic will and global enforcement, they risk being symbolic gestures. The Israeli state, with its powerful Western alliances, has shown itself adept at stonewalling such pressures.

The IDF has issued a statement in response to this investigation. It stated:

“In accordance with its obligations under Israeli law and international law, the IDF conducts examination and investigation processes regarding exceptional incidents that occurred during operational activity, in which there is a suspicion of a violation of the law. In some cases, the initial information raises a prima facie reasonable suspicion of a criminal offense. In these situations, a criminal investigation is immediately opened.”

“Since the beginning of the war, dozens of Military Police investigations have been opened on suspicion of incidents involving the death of detainees; improper treatment of detainees; using detainees to carry out military tasks; suspicions of looting, theft of weapons, and destruction of property; and suspicion of unlawful use of force. Most of these investigations are still ongoing. During armed conflict, operational activity may result in the death or injury of civilians, as well as damage to civilian property. Such outcomes, while unwanted and regrettable, generally do not, in and of themselves, raise a reasonable suspicion of a criminal offense, since they may result from operational activity conducted in accordance with the law. In these cases, additional information is required to assess whether a reasonable suspicion of a criminal offense arises.”

“The factual review is generally carried out by the General Staff Fact-Finding Assessment Mechanism, which is responsible for clarifying the circumstances of exceptional operational incidents. This mechanism is permanent, operates outside the chain of command, is subordinate to the Chief of Staff, and has professional independence.”

“During the ‘Iron Swords’ war, the mechanism has been activated to examine exceptional incidents that occurred during the fighting. These include, among other things, incidents in which harm to assets or personnel of humanitarian aid organisations was alleged; incidents involving alleged harm to shelters for displaced persons; and incidents in which harm to medical institutions or staff was alleged. To date, the mechanism has completed its review in dozens of cases, and these have been transferred to the Military Advocate General for examination.”

The IDF did not reply to AOAV directly despite numerous attempts to engage. We will correct any challenges to our dataset if and when the IDF give clarity on what investigations are currently underway and their status.

Conclusion

AOAV’s review of 52 cases exposes a chasm between Israel’s professed commitment to self‑scrutiny and the bleak reality experienced by victims and their families. Publicly, the IDF presents itself as a military bound by law, rigorously investigating any suggestion of misconduct. Its spokespeople speak of robust mechanisms, independence, and due process. Yet the evidence tells a different story: months and sometimes years of opaque “reviews,” vanishing cases, muted admissions of error, and the near‑total absence of meaningful punishment.

This gap between claim and practice is not incidental. It is structural, and it serves a political purpose. The very act of announcing investigations can operate as a form of propaganda. Each press release or headline about an inquiry creates an image of a law‑bound force, blunting calls for external oversight and forestalling international censure. But behind the façade of accountability, the system functions as a shield, not a scalpel. Families mourn, rights groups document, and journalists report — yet the promised justice rarely arrives.

The pattern is clear. When civilian deaths make global headlines, an investigation is launched and publicly acknowledged. Over time, the news cycle moves on, and the investigation sinks into silence. Some cases end with a vague acknowledgement of “unfortunate errors” or “professional failures.” Only in the rarest of circumstances — as AOAV found in just one case out of 52 — does this translate into criminal sanction.

Such a system provides political theatre rather than a legal remedy. It preserves institutional legitimacy at the expense of accountability, projecting a story of self‑policing that is contradicted by the outcomes. In doing so, it undermines the very principle of complementarity on which Israel relies to fend off international jurisdiction, such as scrutiny by the International Criminal Court.

Ultimately, investigations that serve more as public relations than pathways to justice deepen the harm. They send a signal to soldiers that rules can be bent without consequence and to victims that their suffering is bureaucratically acknowledged but substantively ignored. Propaganda replaces process; image supplants accountability.

True justice requires independence in more than name. It requires timelines, transparency, and the willingness to confront not only the actions of low‑ranking soldiers but the policies and command structures that shape their conduct. Without that, the “investigations” into the bloodiest episodes of this conflict will remain what AOAV’s analysis suggests they already are: a theatre of appearances, staged for international consumption, while real accountability is deferred indefinitely.

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21st Century Wire is an alternative news agency designed to enlighten, inform and educate readers about world events which are not always covered in the mainstream media.

Source: https://21stcenturywire.com/2025/08/04/the-illusion-of-justice-israels-military-investigations-theatre-in-gaza/