Trump’s Peace Plan: Is There Room for Manoeuvre ?

On Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that he had accepted Trump’s 20-Point Plan for Gaza; however, just a few hours later, he rephrased that agreement, informing his domestic audience in Hebrew that he had not, in fact, consented to a Palestinian state and that the Israeli military would continue to occupy most of Gaza. In the meantime, Israel’s far-right Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, swiftly dismissed the Trump plan, calling it a “resounding diplomatic failure” that “could end in tears.” As for Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s far-right national security minister, who has been against previous hostage-ceasefire agreements, he reportedly described the deal as “dangerous to Israel’s security” and “full of holes.” So, what are the issues with Trump’s plan? And why do Arab nations appear to be frustrated, if not outraged, by the disappearance of their contribution in Trump’s plan?

On Tuesday, U.S. President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum to Hamas, giving the Palestinian resistance group three to four days to agree to a U.S.-backed peace plan for Gaza, highlighting a pressing urgency. It’s difficult to overlook the fact that the proposed plan heavily favors Israel, and that Hamas was not part of the discussions that resulted in Trump’s proposal. Meanwhile, Turkey’s intelligence chief convened with mediators from Qatar and Egypt in Doha to discuss the peace proposal. It has been reported that Egypt is upset over the Palestinian Authority being excluded from US President Donald Trump’s Gaza peace plan.

While numerous Arab nations have embraced Trump’s peace initiative and reaffirmed their collective commitment to collaborate with the US in bringing an end to the conflict in Gaza, the ambiguity of the document and the many unresolved issues regarding the plan’s viability are already raising concerns. This is particularly true given the imbalanced nature of the proposal, which essentially demands that Hamas relinquish all remaining Israeli hostages and disarm simultaneously, leaving the resistance completely vulnerable. Additionally, the plan anticipates a scenario where the Palestinian Authority (PA) would regain control of Gaza—something Netanyahu has previously deemed unacceptable. Moreover, Netanyahu has never consented to a pathway that acknowledges Palestinian rights to self-determination and statehood, as specified in the proposal. On the contrary, the Israeli Prime Minister has consistently dismissed this idea, not only in the past but also most recently during his speech at the UN General Assembly last week.

Perhaps one of the most sensitive points of the amended proposal is its lack of a definitive schedule for Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, making it contingent upon advancements in disarming Hamas. Other points also need clarification, including details about the so-called “International Stabilisation Force (ISF)”, which would take over the IDF positions after it withdraws from Gaza. Furthermore, it is worth noting that Trump’s plan does not specify the mandate under which this ISF force would operate, which could easily lead to confrontation on the ground. Additionally, Arab countries are yet to officially commit troops for this purpose. According to the latest information gathered by AFP, Hamas is contemplating modifications to President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza, especially regarding the sections on disarmament and the exit of its fighters.

Many experts who have studied Trump’s 20-point plan wonder how long Israeli troops will be allowed to stay within the proposed security perimeter, as outlined in Point 16 of the proposed plan. It is certainly an important point that also requires clarification. Additionally, the proposal also lacks details regarding the authority that would oversee the reconstruction of Gaza, under the leadership of Trump and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, whom many accuse of war crimes. Last but not least, Israel, the obvious architect of this plan, needs to explain why there is no mention of the West Bank in their proposal. How can that be deemed acceptable if Gaza is to be fully integrated with the West Bank in a Palestinian sovereign state?

The key element for the success of this peace proposal is “TRUST,” which is currently in short supply between the concerned parties. This lack of trust has been exacerbated by Israel’s attempt to eliminate Hamas’s entire negotiation team in Doha, Qatar.

While Hamas will likely remain indifferent to Israel’s coerced apology to Qatar, its leadership will be more inclined to seek genuine assurances from the US. Regrettably, the peace plan proposed by Trump does not clearly provide these assurances, and it is anticipated that Hamas will seek changes and adjustments to Trump’s ambiguous peace plan….

IMAGE: Trump met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and released a 20-point peace plan on Monday, September 29, 2025, in Washington. (Source: AFP – Andrew Caballero-Reynolds)

Hélène Sallon  (Beirut, correspondent) and Piotr Smolar  (Washington, correspondent) report for Le Monde…

Trump’s Gaza Plan: Behind Arab Approval, Frustration with a Text Largely Shaped by Israel
(Translated from French to English using DeepL)

The American president ignored suggestions from Muslim countries, which particularly regret that a precise timetable does not frame the Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.

Listening to Donald Trump on Monday, September 29, the United States, Israel, and the Arab countries unanimously supported his peace plan for Gaza. All that remained for Hamas to do was accept it in turn. The reality is much more grim: the American president’s plan was approved through gritted teeth. The feeling of having been once again cheated by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, with Washington’s approval, dominates in Arab capitals. Between the text outlined for them by Donald Trump on September 23 in New York and the one released by the White House on Monday, substantial amendments were introduced at Israeli dictation.

Leading Arab and Muslim countries spent several hours on Saturday dissecting the draft plan submitted by Donald Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff. They made amendments to key points. According to our information, these included plans to revitalize the Palestinian Authority, the prospect of creating a Palestinian state, including the West Bank, and finally, a binding timetable for political transition. The Franco-Saudi initiative, encapsulated in the New York Declaration at the end of July, which proposes a roadmap for a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine, notably mentioned a one-year deadline for holding Palestinian general elections.

Yet, most of the suggestions made by the Arab countries were ignored by the Trump team, particularly Steve Witkoff and the US president’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. On the contrary, it was the Israeli demands, expressed in Washington on Sunday, that led to the text being amended in the direction Mr. Netanyahu wanted. The final text does not include a binding timetable for an Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, making it conditional on progress in disarming Hamas. Israeli forces will also be able to remain within a security perimeter inside the enclave until all threats of a terrorist resurgence have disappeared, an indefinite period.

Limited room for manoeuvre

While regional and European countries have nevertheless given their support to the initiative, it is for want of anything better. The absolute priority is to give the first serious attempt at a permanent ceasefire a chance and to preserve Donald Trump’s interest in this issue. On Monday evening, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia, Pakistan, Turkey, Qatar, and Egypt, in a joint statement, applauded the Trump plan and expressed to the American president their “confidence in his ability to find a lasting solution to the conflict,” not without reiterating their demand for the creation of a Palestinian state.

Their room for manoeuvre is limited, given that Donald Trump has already given his approval for Israel to continue the war if the plan fails. “The Arab states welcome this plan because it includes some of their main demands and, in some respects, goes further than previous proposals,” analyzes Anna Jacobs, a Gulf expert at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. The Trump plan includes their main demands: an end to the war, the rejection of the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip and the forced displacement of Gazans from the enclave, and a political horizon with, ultimately, the recognition of the Palestinian state.

American support for these demands was not a given. According to our information, Donald Trump never mentioned the issue of recognizing Palestine during his numerous prior discussions with French President Emmanuel Macron. Paris noted with some surprise the lackluster American response to the Franco-Saudi initiative, as if the essential point lay elsewhere: in the plan in the making.

The Israeli strike on Doha on September 9th accelerated the need for an initiative in Washington, in the face of growing exasperation among Arab countries. In Qatar, which denounced Israeli military adventurism and suspected Washington of having given the green light, Donald Trump offered a public apology from Benjamin Netanyahu. The message delivered by the President of the United Arab Emirates, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, recalling that the 2020 Abraham Accords, so highly praised by Donald Trump, who initiated them, were threatened in the event of annexation by the Jewish state in the West Bank, resonated with the White House.

” Trap “

While the Trump plan partly echoes the Arab peace plan presented in Cairo in March and the Franco-Saudi initiative, it departs from them on many points. The relationship between the Palestinian Authority and the transitional bodies, as well as the timetable for this pivotal period, is not specified. “The Arab countries are also embarrassed by the International Stabilization Force (ISF), which implies that they will take charge of disarming Hamas. This is the trap and the real test of credibility for them,” notes a source familiar with the negotiations. The ISF is to oversee security in Gaza and train a Palestinian civilian force, while the demilitarization process will be placed under the supervision of independent observers.

The participation of the Emirates and Morocco has been discussed, but has not been confirmed. Indonesia and Italy have expressed their willingness to contribute. Egypt and Jordan will continue training Palestinian police forces. But maintaining Israeli forces within the enclave is an obstacle to the deployment of this force. “Who is going to carry out DDR [disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration] while the Israeli occupation continues? It’s the perfect recipe for confrontation,” the source continues. The Trump plan does not specify the mandate under which this force will operate. France is advocating for a Security Council resolution granting it a UN mandate.

Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, now tasked with Turkey and Egypt with imposing a plan on Hamas that he considers a capitulation, gave voice to Arab reservations on Tuesday evening. “What was presented yesterday were the principles of a plan that requires discussion on the details and the actions to be taken. The cessation of the war is a clear clause in the plan, and the issue of [Israeli] withdrawal must be clarified and discussed,” he said on Al-Jazeera.

Arab countries intend to support the plan’s momentum, while trying to negotiate its details and obtain American guarantees. They remain, however, “very skeptical about Trump’s ability to impose this plan on Mr. Netanyahu. As with the previous ceasefire, some fear that the Israeli government will accept the first parts of the proposal, and then hesitate to respect the withdrawal timetable,” concludes Anna Jacobs.

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Source: https://21stcenturywire.com/2025/10/01/trumps-peace-plan-is-there-room-for-manoeuvre/