Inside the abortion pill war rocking America

In Texas, a Marine stands accused in a civil lawsuit of secretly dissolving abortion drugs into his pregnant girlfriend’s hot chocolate after she rebuffed his repeated demands to “get rid of it” and “abort this monstrosity of a situation.” Her attorneys say he left as she began hemorrhaging alone, her three children asleep upstairs.

Three and a half years after the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision removed the federal protection for abortion on demand, the battle for life centers on a small pill with enormous reach.

Terminated pregnancies have claimed 65 million lives since 1973, nearly the entire population of France or of Texas and California combined. Legalized nationally under Roe v. Wade, abortion rates exploded in the 1970s, peaked in the 1980s, and began their steady decline from 1990 to an all-time low in 2017—only to spike to a 14-year high after the 2022 Dobbs decision. Even without a constitutional right, American abortions are still tracking at one million per year.

That resurgence is in large part credited to the rise of mifepristone and misoprostol, the two drugs in the chemical abortion regimen. A quarter century ago, chemical or medication abortion was rare and only recently approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), which placed strict controls on the pill’s dispensation and in-person doctor visits.

Behind the scenes, however, shadowy forces were moving to dismantle oversight and expand access—not as a means of improving women’s “health,” as was marketed, but as part of a century-old plot to curb global population growth.

As a result, chemical abortion now annually accounts for 63 percent of terminated pregnancies, compared with less than 31 percent a decade ago.

This marks the abortion industry’s final evolution: From “safe and legal, but rare” in the 1990s to DIY procedures performed at home, with drugs mailed to your front door, no physician required. That’s true in Democrat-run states with largely unrestricted abortion, such as New York and California, as well as Republican-run states that have virtually outlawed the practice, including Texas and Louisiana.

This incredible industry-wide transformation has ignited a new war between red and blue states, now fought in clinics and courtrooms. And none of it would have been possible without billions of dollars from Big Philanthropy.

This is the story of how America met, and got hooked on, the abortion pill—and what pro-life heroes are doing to end it.

The left’s deadly secret

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Shortly after Holly’s death, a senior Planned Parenthood executive called Monty to offer her condolences, explaining that “these things sometimes happen.”

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Mifeprex, the brand name for mifepristone, works by blocking progesterone—a hormone essential to fetal development. It’s typically followed 24–48 hours later with a second drug, misoprostol, which induces contractions that expel the fetus.

For years, pro-abortion activists have maintained this cocktail is “safer than Tylenol.” Yet recent evidence indicates chemical abortion is 22 times more dangerous than the FDA admits. In April 2025, two studies by my colleagues at the Restoration of America Foundation and the Ethics and Public Policy Center found that nearly 11 percent of women who ingested mifepristone from 2017–2023 experienced a serious adverse health event, including sepsis, blood transfusion, hospitalization, infection, hemorrhage, uterine rupture, ruptured ectopic pregnancy, and even death.

Among those without major medical complications, 85 percent still reported nausea, fever, chills, vomiting, headaches, or diarrhea.

According to the FDA Adverse Event Reporting System, mifepristone has been linked to at least 7,671 adverse events and 151 deaths—four times the 36 deaths acknowledged on the agency’s website. They include men who ingested the drug to treat Cushing’s syndrome, its only other approved pharmaceutical use. Notably, Planned Parenthood independently reported more than twice as many abortion drug complications as the FDA did between 2009 and 2010.

Chemical abortion also carries a high failure rate of 5.26 percent—about one in 19 cases—compared with just 3.2 percent across all clinical trials cited on the FDA’s own Mifeprex label, requiring further medical intervention to safely complete the procedure. That may not be possible if done at home.

Even so, Planned Parenthood has stuck to its guns. “Mifepristone is safe and effective, and must remain on the market,” the group declared in 2023 after the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals temporarily halted the FDA’s attempt to roll back its own safety requirements.

The personal toll of chemical abortion has gone almost entirely unreported by legacy media outlets, but the victims’ heartbreaking stories aren’t hard to find.

When 18-year-old Holly Patterson died of a bacterial infection in 2003, just three years after the FDA approved the drug, chemical abortion was still a new phenomenon. When her father, Monty, arrived at the hospital, he learned she’d ingested abortion pills obtained from Planned Parenthood. He hadn’t even known his daughter was pregnant. “[Her] look to me was like, ‘Dad, save me . . . Get me out of this,’” he told Restoration News earlier this year.

The ICU doctors frantically pushed Monty out of the room as they worked to stop his daughter’s organs from shutting down, but it was too late. “They came out and said: ‘She’s gone,’” he said, recalling the tears in the nurses’ eyes.

Shortly after Holly’s death, a senior Planned Parenthood executive called Monty to offer her condolences, explaining that “these things sometimes happen.” Frustrated and unconvinced, he threw himself into unearthing the truth about mifepristone, later launching a website, AbortionPillRisks.org, to reveal the drug’s dangers.

Since then, however, the FDA has only loosened restrictions on mifepristone. The tale of the Texas Marine accused of contaminating his pregnant girlfriend’s hot chocolate with the pill is just one of the dark results.

In June, Texas police arrested another man for allegedly spiking his girlfriend’s drink at a Tarrant County coffee shop after she decided to keep the baby, sending her to the hospital. Three months earlier, a Louisiana woman was accused of forcing her pregnant teenage daughter to ingest abortion pills, nearly killing her.

All these cases share one thing: the abortion drugs were ordered online and delivered by mail—a feat made possible by an unholy union of the FDA and professional activism.

Throttling population

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FDA Commissioner David Kessler appraised Shalala of Roussel-Uclaf’s “liability and boycott concerns” and demands for indemnification from any potential damages arising from protests or mifepristone’s side effects.

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Throughout the 1950s and early ’60s, the notion of an impending global population crisis was a popular topic of discussion in the gentlemen’s clubs frequented by the nation’s elite. The National Academy of Sciences helped stoke those fears, promoting birth control as essential for “effective control of excessive population growth through voluntary family planning,” per a 1963 New York Times report.

The academy held that predicted rates of population growth would impose “a heavy burden on all efforts to improve human welfare. It is an international problem from which no one can escape.” The U.S. government, the academy argued, “should actively participate in fostering international cooperation in this field.”

The Ford Foundation, eager to advance the cause, earmarked six- and seven-figure grants to fund the research that eventually produced both birth control and abortion pills.

In 1951, Planned Parenthood—at the urging of its eugenicist founder, Margaret Sanger—funded research into using progesterone to inhibit ovulation conducted by Gregory G. Pincus, now credited as the co-inventor of the birth control pill. Pincus later lobbied the Ford Foundation to continue funding hormonal control research.

Enter Etienne-Émile Baulieu, French endocrinologist and birth control advocate, now hailed as the “father of the abortion pill.” By 1985, Baulieu—now working with the French pharmaceutical manufacturer Roussel-Uclaf—was ready to market RU-486, the direct predecessor to Mifeprex.

From the start, RU-486 ran red hot with controversy. Mere weeks after the French government approved its sale, the firm pulled the drug off-market due to the “outcry of public opinion at home and abroad,” driven, in part, by the dark history of its German parent company. Hoechst A.G., under its former name IG Farben, produced the Zyklon B gas that killed millions in the Holocaust. Despite the backlash and withdrawal, two days later, the French government used its controlling stake in Roussel-Uclaf to force the company to sell RU-486 to the public.

President George H.W. Bush’s FDA effectively banned imports of the drug in 1989. But by the time President Bill Clinton took office in 1993, it was already available in France, China, the U.K., and Sweden. Clinton, who had touted his pro-abortion stance on the campaign trail, was quick to task Health and Human Services Secretary Donna Shalala with devising a plan to introduce RU-486 to the United States.

In a September 1993 memo obtained by Judicial Watch, FDA Commissioner David Kessler appraised Shalala of Roussel-Uclaf’s “liability and boycott concerns” and demands for indemnification from any potential damages arising from protests or mifepristone’s side effects. Kessler explained he had told the firm “it would go far beyond FDA’s appropriate role to seek such protection for a drug company,” but the agency would “advance the idea within the department anyway.”

Kessler went on to suggest Clinton leverage diplomatic pressure on France and Germany to force the sale of RU-486 in the United States.

“It may be that France and Germany would be unhappy to learn that their companies were not accommodating a request made by the United States government,” he wrote. “The U.S. ambassadors to France and Germany will need to be consulted on these issues, and your counterparts in France and Germany may also need to be involved.”

Incredibly, in May 1994, the Clinton administration succeeded in pressuring Roussel-Uclaf to gift the patent rights for RU-486 to the Population Council, the New York-based nonprofit Roussel-Uclaf had previously contracted with to conduct U.S. clinical trials of mifepristone.

While little-known outside pro-life circles, the council has a sinister legacy of pushing global depopulation campaigns, largely in the Third World. It was founded in 1952 by eugenicist John D. Rockefeller 3rd from a conference of “population activists” lamenting that “modern civilization had reduced the operation of natural selection by saving more ‘weak’ lives and enabling them to reproduce,’ resulting in ‘a downward trend in . . . genetic quality” requiring a global “reduction of fertility,” according to InfluenceWatch.

Other early players included American Eugenics Society co-founder Frederick Osborn, who served as the organization’s first administrator, and then-Planned Parenthood Federation of America director William Vogt, who popularized the idea that Earth has a limited “carrying capacity” for humanity.

With substantial funding from the Ford Foundation and United Nations Fund for Population Activities, the council promoted an enormous sterilization campaign across India in the 1960s—often forced at sword- and gun-point. No one was allowed to have more than two children. Women had IUDs forcibly inserted. Those who resisted were beaten, loaded onto buses, and brought to hospitals to be sterilized. “Everyone had a number,” one man recalled. “We were taken in a line—one after the other . . . number-wise.”

This ugly episode is worth recalling because President Clinton himself advocated for shrinking the world’s population via family planning. One month after Roussel-Uclaf signed over the drug’s patent rights, Clinton voiced his support in a State Department speech.

“One-third of our children are already hungry, two of every five people on Earth lack basic sanitation, and large parts of the world exist with only one doctor for every 35 or 40,000 people,” Clinton said. “It is clear that we need a comprehensive approach to the world’s future. If you look at the numbers, you must reduce the rate of population growth.”

To that end, prominent Clinton supporter and trial lawyer James “Ron” Weddington urged Clinton’s transition team to promote the abortion pill in eerily eugenicist terms. Humanity’s survival, Weddington wrote, “depends on our developing a population where everyone contributes. We don’t need more cannon fodder. We don’t need more parishioners. We don’t need more cheap labor. We don’t need more poor babies.”

Paying for the pill

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…a 1999 U.S. study found that drug-induced abortions had a vastly higher failure rate than surgical abortions (18.3 percent versus 4.7 percent), took nearly 10 days longer to staunch bleeding, were more likely to require emergency surgery, and caused participants “significantly greater pain, nausea or vomiting” than suction and curettage abortions.

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While misoprostol was first approved by the FDA in 1988—for preventing gastric ulcers, not abortion—mifepristone’s journey to FDA approval was complex and secretive. But we know it was shepherded along by a handful of mega-donors, among them Warren Buffett, through his Susan Thompson Buffett Foundation—perhaps the largest funder of abortion causes in history. Other notable funders were George Soros and the late David Packard of Hewlett-Packard fame.

While the Population Council sponsored domestic clinical trials throughout the mid-1990s, it contracted with a New York firm, Danco Laboratories—formed in 1995 reportedly with funding from Soros, Packard, and Buffett—to distribute the drug pending FDA approval, which it received in September 2001. Just six months later, Danco secured a Chinese manufacturer and began a $2 million advertisement campaign for Mifeprex in Vanity Fair, Cosmopolitan, and People magazines, paid for by the National Abortion Federation. “You have the freedom to choose,” the ad read. “And now, you have another safe abortion choice.”

Danco was, and remains, famously opaque. The company doesn’t publish the names of its executives or employees, let alone its investors, and is extremely media-shy. As the Wall Street Journal reported in 2000:

It’s even hard to physically locate Danco. There are no signs in its building’s lobby or hallways pointing to the suite the company occupies. Phone Danco and the person who answers avoids mentioning its name, instead asking, “How can I help you?” Danco’s chief executive officer, Roy Karnovsky, a former Merck & Co. marketing executive who worked at the drug giant for 20 years, doesn’t talk to the press.

Less than a year after the Mifeprex marketing campaign, six women who’d taken the abortion pill reported serious side effects. Two died. Danco denied any causality, but quietly asked physicians prescribing the drug to report “any serious adverse effects such as death, hospitalization, or blood transfusion.”

By April 2006, Mifeprex had been linked to at least six deaths, five of them from septic infections, raising concerns even among abortionists. “None of these women should be dying; it’s shocking,” Dr. Peter Bours, an Oregon abortion provider told the New York Times.

The FDA has always maintained it followed the strictest approval protocols. But Dr. Donna Harrison, director of research for the American Association of Pro-Life OB-GYNs and chair of the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, believes those trials did not meet the FDA’s typical standards. “They approved the drug based on a few studies, none of which were blinded, randomized and controlled,” Harrison told Restoration News in September.

A “randomized, blinded, and controlled trial” is one in which participants are randomly assigned to treatment groups—including a baseline control group—without knowing which treatment they will receive to eradicate potential biases. The FDA usually requires data from two such trials for new drug applications. When testing a new drug for which there is no comparable medication, the control group would typically receive a placebo. But in the case of Mifeprex, Harrison said that even today, no such study exists.

“What they have is what’s called dose comparator trials, where they look at two different doses or different ways of administration,” she explained. “But they haven’t done a placebo control—not that I can find.”

Inexplicably, the FDA similarly approved Mifeprex for all age cohorts, despite having no clinical data on the drug’s effect on minors.

As early as 1997, a study of chemical abortion in China, India, and Cuba found the practice is riskier and less effective than surgical abortion. And a 1999 U.S. study found that drug-induced abortions had a vastly higher failure rate than surgical abortions (18.3 percent versus 4.7 percent), took nearly 10 days longer to staunch bleeding, were more likely to require emergency surgery, and caused participants “significantly greater pain, nausea or vomiting” than suction and curettage abortions.

“Mifeprex has more bleeding, more complications, more retained tissue,” Harrison said. “In every place where you compare Mifeprex to surgery, Mifeprex is always worse.”

Although the FDA cut corners on ultrasound requirements, the agency initially posted relatively strict controls on Mifeprex. Only qualified physicians—not pharmacists—able to perform an emergency surgical backup could prescribe the drug, and then only through 49 days’ gestation. Women had to complete three in-person doctor visits, both to rule out ectopic pregnancy and dispense the abortion drugs, and sign a patient agreement affirming they understood the process, risks, and follow-up requirements. Critically, the agency also established a framework for assessing drugs with significant safety concerns, later formalized as the “Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy” (REMS).

Virtually none of those regulations remain in effect today.

In March 2016, the Obama administration extended the gestational limit from 49 to 70 days (10 weeks) and dropped the required in-person doctor visits to one, allowing follow-up “visits” by phone.

Then came COVID-19. In April 2021, the Biden administration announced it had waived the in-person dispensing requirement for Mifeprex, allowing the drug to be mailed by pharmacies to patients’ homes. By December, the FDA formally abolished the in-person dispensing requirement, ushering in the current era of “telehealth” or at-home chemical abortions. Then in January 2023, the agency expanded REMS certification to allow brick-and-mortar pharmacies to dispense Mifeprex directly, cutting out physicians and the surgical facilities requirement altogether.

Pro-life groups quickly sued to block these changes and won a temporary victory in 2023—only to lose in June 2024, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Donna Harrison’s group, the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, lacked standing to challenge the FDA.

Dirty deeds done dirt cheap

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The aforementioned men who each fed their girlfriends abortion drugs without their consent both reportedly purchased the pills from Aid Access.

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Predictably, the drug’s popularity exploded.

At least 70 websites help women buy and ship the abortion pill to their front door, even in states that have outlawed the practice. Without an in-person dispensing requirement, these websites rely on the honor system.

“I could put in fake information . . . and they will send me the medication abortion pills to anywhere I request,” pro-life advocate Abby Johnson told talk show host Jesse Kelly in March 2024. Johnson is a former Planned Parenthood clinic director who nearly died from the abortion pill in 2003.

One of the most prominent pill-pushing websites is Aid Access, a Dutch-Austrian distributor created to mail generic mifepristone pills in all 50 U.S. states three years before the Biden FDA greenlit “telehealth” in 2021. When the FDA briefly reinstated in-person pick-up requirements in January 2021, Aid Access reportedly ignored the law. “Aid Access continued to mail pills to patients across the U.S. and providers considered how much they were willing to risk to provide patient-centered care in a public health crisis,” an allied group wrote.

Because Aid Access isn’t based in the United States, it isn’t accountable to American authorities and doesn’t file nonprofit disclosures. It’s sponsored by Women on Waves, an Amsterdam-based charity that carries out illegal chemical abortions from ships positioned just outside countries where abortion is restricted, including Mexico and Morocco.

The aforementioned men who each fed their girlfriends abortion drugs without their consent both reportedly purchased the pills from Aid Access. The group claims to target 6,000 women each month in states with abortion bans.

That’s possible because anyone can order Aid Access pills just by filling out an online form, so long as they say their pregnancy is less than 14 weeks’ gestation—roughly the start of the second trimester. At that point, the fetus is 3–4 inches long, its bones are hardening, the heart is fully formed, it can move its arms and legs, and doctors can determine the baby’s sex. Many doctors believe babies can feel pain as early as 12 weeks along.

For $150, Aid Access will send a package with one mifepristone tablet and 12 misoprostol tablets. The group even encourages hoarding pills for future use, assuring, “If you are not pregnant right now, you can still order abortion pills to have them on hand in case you get pregnant in the future.”

Eligible buyers include minors, with or without parents’ permission, and even individuals who “identify as [a] trans man or non-binary.” While Aid Access claims “we can only provide pills to people with a uterus/womb who can get pregnant,” the group nevertheless accepts applications from biological males.

Perhaps no group better illustrates how widespread and well-connected the abortion pill network is than Plan C, an Aid Access partner that teaches users how to illegally purchase mifepristone “if their state bans abortion”—including those who lack a uterus.

“Abortion pills can be used by people with a uterus who can get pregnant, including cisgender women and those who identify as trans, non-binary, gender-expansive, intersex, Two-Spirit, and more,” Plan C’s website states. “When we switch between terms—like ‘women’ and ‘people who are pregnant’—we aim to be inclusive of all pregnant people.”

Another Plan C ally, Abortion On Our Own Terms, likely began life as a fiscal project of the Arabella Advisors network, the Left’s top “dark money” ATM.

Plan C was formed in 2015—years before abortion “telehealth” was legalized—by Francine Coeytaux, a French immigrant with deep ties to the abortion pill’s development. In the 1970s, Coeytaux was a teen counselor for Planned Parenthood who later developed “health programs for migrant children” in rural California. She went on to join numerous groups pushing for abortion access overseas, including EngenderHealth—which was founded as the Sterilization League of New Jersey a century ago to support eugenics.

In the mid-1990s, with substantial funding from the Packard Foundation, Coeytaux was part of the team that shepherded the “morning after” pill through FDA approval. And from 1984–1993, she worked for the Population Council during the most critical development stages of mifepristone.

Plan C itself is a front for Possibility Labs, a nest for spawning new far-left activist groups that exploit IRS charity laws to push social justice causes. “We envision a just world where Black, Indigenous, People of Color and systemically oppressed communities have the power of self-determination,” Possibility Labs says of itself.

Because Plan C is a fiscally sponsored project, so it is not required to report its donors or board of directors, per usual IRS rules. But Possibility Labs has raked in more than $65 million from left-wing mega-funders, including George Soros’ Foundation to Promote Open Society, the Hewlett Foundation, and the Gates Foundation. Nearly one-third of that sum, $21 million, came from the Kataly Foundation, a key funder of Black Lives Matter that itself is bankrolled by the Chicago Pritzker family.

Red state, blue state

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In September, Louisiana authorities issued an arrest warrant for Dr. Coeytaux, accusing him of helping a man force his girlfriend to ingest mifepristone in 2023.

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Since the Dobbs decision, Plan C has moved to the center of the Left’s crusade to nationalize abortion through the abortion pill, even in states that outlaw the practice. When Texas criminalized “aiding and abetting” an abortion after six weeks of pregnancy in 2021, Plan C funded a “mobile billboard truck to drive through West Texas and share information on abortion pills by mail on college campus ‘free speech’ zones.”

“AOC’s tweet about Plan C garnered more than 8M [million] views,” the group says.

“I’ve been vilified and I’ve been defunded,” Coeytaux once boasted to Ageist. “I had a funder the other day say that what I was doing was criminal activity.”

In July, a Plan C spokeswoman told Mother Jones that physicians who mail abortion pills are “operating legally under the laws of their states.” That couldn’t be further from the truth—as illustrated by no less than Coeytaux’s own brother, Remy Coeytaux.

In August, Texas issued a cease-and-desist letter ordering the French-born abortion provider to stop illegally shipping abortion pills into the state, which has banned nearly all abortions. Officials say his actions led to the deaths of two unborn babies.

In September, Louisiana authorities issued an arrest warrant for Dr. Coeytaux, accusing him of helping a man force his girlfriend to ingest mifepristone in 2023. “If the Biden FDA had not removed in-person dispensing, my then-boyfriend would not have been able to obtain abortion drugs and pressure me to take them against my will,” the alleged victim, Rosalie Markezich, explained.

Coeytaux so far has escaped justice thanks to California’s “shield law,” which protects him from extradition and fuels the burgeoning abortion pill black market.

It’s the same story with Dr. Maggie Carpenter, an abortion provider wanted in Louisiana for an alleged coerced abortion but shielded by New York. “Louisiana has changed their laws, but that has no bearing on the laws here in the State of New York,” Gov. Kathy Hochul (D) announced in February, ignoring that coerced abortions are also illegal in the Empire State. Carpenter has so far avoided paying more than $100,000 in court-ordered fines for providing a Texas woman with drugs for another illegal abortion.

Together, these cases spotlight an intensifying clash between red and blue states in the wake of the Dobbs decision returning abortion law to the states. Republican leaders are pursuing abortion providers through lawsuits and prosecutions, while Democrats harbor them from justice.

In Louisiana alone, which has some of the strictest abortion laws in the nation, mail-order abortion drugs terminate 600 pregnancies each month. In other words, abortion persists even in states boasting the greatest commitment to protecting the unborn—defying both the law and the will of the people.

Republican officials are clamoring for federal action. In July, 16 state attorneys general informed Congress that shield laws violate the Full Faith and Credit Clause of the U.S. Constitution “because they do not give ‘full faith and credit’ to the judicial proceedings occurring in other States.” They added that such laws could also clash with the Extradition Clause—which requires compliance with governors’ extradition warrants—and asked Congress to weigh in.

Too many eggs in one basket

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Planned Parenthood, recently defunded by the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, is desperate for funding from blue states like Colorado and California

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On the surface, the abortion lobby has never been more powerful or wide-reaching. Thanks to mifepristone, abortions are skyrocketing and reaching every corner of the United States. Yet the same drug responsible for this rapid expansion could also prove Big Abortion’s downfall, if conservatives act decisively. So far, they have not.

Earlier this year, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and FDA Commissioner Marty Makary promised to investigate the abortion pill in light of its clear health risks but so far have made little progress. Worse, we’ve gone backwards since that pledge, with the FDA approving a second generic form of mifepristone in October.

On Oct. 9, 51 Republican U.S. senators signed a public letter urging Kennedy to take swift action by:

1. Suspending the approval of any new generic versions of mifepristone until further risk analysis is concluded;
2. Ensuring any new generic versions are subject to ongoing risk mitigation reviews;
3. Reinstating the in-person dispensing requirement for the abortion drug changed by Biden;
4. Suspending all distribution of the abortion drug as an “imminent hazard” under existing law; and
5. Withdrawing FDA guidance permitting pharmacy distribution of mifepristone.

Far from pushing an “extreme” pro-life agenda, these measures would largely restore the abortion pill regulations to pre-2021 conditions. Kennedy could go further by withdrawing the abortion pill altogether as unsafe to be marketed without further study.

But that’s only one path. President Trump could immediately rescind the December 2022 Biden memorandum allowing mifepristone and misoprostol to be mailed nationwide, shutting down the black market with the stroke of a pen under a little-known law with enormous potential.

The Comstock Act, passed in 1873 at the urging of the great evangelical Postal Service Inspector Anthony Comstock, was a powerful tool Republicans used to counter post-Civil War debauchery by banning the mailing of pornography and materials used for abortion. The law led directly to the arrest of Madame Restell, a New York abortion provider famous for marketing early at-home abortion drugs nearly 150 years ago. Inspector Comstock himself even scuffled with Margaret Sanger over mailing birth control literature.

The law went inert after Roe v. Wade rendered its abortion restrictions unenforceable in 1973.

But with Roe’s demise, Comstock instantly came back into effect—or at least it should have. Neither the Biden nor the Trump administration has enforced the law yet. If that were to change, however, it could become the Right’s secret weapon for outlawing mail-in abortifacients for good.

Congressional Democrats realize this, which is why in March they introduced the Stop Comstock Act, claiming the law “could be misused to implement [a] national abortion ban”—which, of course, was its purpose.

And they should be worried, as Big Abortion has bet the farm on at-home pregnancy termination amid a recent rash of shuttering abortion clinics, even in friendly blue states. Planned Parenthood, recently defunded by the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, is desperate for funding from blue states like Colorado and California, which face deficits of $1.2 billion and $68 billion, respectively. Pro-abortion groups are likewise scrambling as donations dry up and overhead skyrockets.

As for the monsters like Remy Coeytaux and Maggie Carpenter, the Comstock Act would finally allow federal law enforcement to seek justice that’s long overdue.

Source: https://capitalresearch.org/article/inside-the-abortion-pill-war-rocking-america/