Lessons on challenging authoritarianism from the Hungarian teachers movement

This article Lessons on challenging authoritarianism from the Hungarian teachers movement was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

This is part of a series of interviews with experienced organizers and movement thinkers on ways to defend and expand democracy amidst the rising authoritarian tide globally.

Recently, a resurgence of authoritarianism across Central and Eastern Europe and the United States has led to a crackdown on popular expression, individual rights and freedoms, and the dissolution of democratic lawmaking. In preparation for a potential Trump win, we can learn from Hungarian organizers who have continued to challenge authoritarianism under Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and the Fidesz government, which have been in power since 2010.

Orbán proudly labels his governance style as an “illiberal democracy” — a system Amnesty International has criticized for its emphasis on a powerful state, feeble opposition and diminished checks and balances. Over the last decade, Orbán has systematically eroded the welfare, education, healthcare and social care systems. The education sector, along with its educators, parents and students, has been specifically targeted due to their resistance.

In 2022, tens of thousands of teachers, parents and students protested low teacher salaries, censorship, and the Fidesz government as a whole. The initial protest, which took place on Oct. 5 that year, was sparked by the dismissal of five teachers from Budapest’s esteemed Kolcsey Ferenc High School at the end of September. Demonstrators created a human chain across the capital and obstructed the Margit Bridge for several hours.

During a subsequent protest the following week, students marched from Heroes Square to the Interior Ministry building. There, they threw garbage at a life-sized effigy of Minister Sandor Pinter, who oversaw education, and set fire to letters sent to teachers cautioning them about potential disciplinary actions. The strikes in 2022-23 marked some of the largest protests since 1989.

Kata Törley, a teacher who was fired in 2022 for participating in civil disobedience after the government heavily restricted the teachers’ right to strike, was at these protests giving speeches and mobilizing protesters. She founded Tanítanék in 2016, a non-governmental public education organization in Hungary, which has organized strikes, protests and even performance actions to raise awareness of the problems in Hungary’s education system. Tanítanék, which roughly translated to “I wish to teach” represents the organization’s original demands of ensuring teachers make a livable income, have the right to strike and are recognized as autonomous actors in the education system by the government.

In this conversation, Törley discusses how teachers in Hungary have resisted the authoritarian regime and identifies key lessons for U.S. organizers from the Hungarian teacher movement.

Can you describe the key elements of Hungary’s shift towards authoritarianism under the Orbán regime?

Under the Orbán regime, Hungary has experienced a significant shift towards authoritarianism. Key elements of this shift include the curtailment of freedoms, such as freedom of the press, freedom of speech and — one key issue for us — the right to strike. Additionally, we see an extreme centralization of major systems, among them of course the education system: Teachers cannot choose which textbooks they want to use, the curriculum itself is decided on at the highest level and school-level decision making is practically non-existent now.

On the other hand, vulnerable groups have been demonized and oppressed, including homeless individuals, Roma people, LGBTQ+ communities, teachers, children, women, refugees and the civil society. The regime maintains a few stable enemies — like George Soros or Ferenc Gyurcsány — while they keep pinpointing and targeting vulnerable groups that cannot defend themselves. Government propaganda built on visceral fears has been in place for over a decade now and it shows.

In what ways have you seen civil liberties and democratic norms erode in Hungary, and how has that affected your organizing efforts?

No surprise here, the erosion of civil liberties and democratic norms in Hungary has significantly impacted our organizing efforts. Active citizens now face difficulties in a restricted media environment, the predominance of Fidesz-related press and laws that complicate the work of civil organizations. Furthermore, a severe livelihood and housing crisis makes it difficult to reach citizens, as they are preoccupied with making ends meet. Discussing education and democratic fundamental rights seems out of reach when the people you try talking to have to survive in harsh economic conditions.

Another related issue, the capture of the judiciary by the ruling power, including the prosecutor’s office and certain courts, creates uncertainty about the legal recourse available in cases of abuse. And as a general theme the rise of populist propaganda and the capture of major social systems pose a threatening signal with far-reaching consequences.

Do you organizers in the United States can learn from these lessons?

They might resonate with organizers in the United States, as they highlight the importance of safeguarding democratic institutions and maintaining an active, engaged citizenry — even in the face of significant challenges. Talking about issues like courts and propaganda may seem abstract, but they have severe implications.

One of Tanítanék’s great achievements I think was that we created a language in which everyday people could talk about the problems with our education system. This is one thing I would suggest to U.S. organizers and organizations too: Create the language that will help you bring the problems to the surface.

Can you share specific challenges you encountered while organizing under the Orbán regime, as well as the strategies you found effective in navigating those obstacles?

Organizing under the Orbán regime has presented certain challenges which we haven’t been silent about. The media often undermines and attacks individuals for raising their voices. One other (and maybe more shocking) example: I was fired from my job as a teacher after going on strike for a better education system. I’m still embroiled in a labor lawsuit to prove that my dismissal was unjust, along with 14 other teachers fired for the same political reasons in 2022.

The right to strike had been severely restricted, forcing our struggle into a very limited space with restricted tools. Fear and self-censorship resulting from these measures make activism difficult, as people are intimidated and hesitant to respond. At the same time, the issues we raise our voice about effect everyone or almost everyone.

Could you share specific strategies or tactics that have been effective for organizing under restrictive political conditions in Hungary? What adjustments did you have to make compared to organizing in more open societies?

Effective strategies we’ve employed include utilizing the remaining public platforms, both online and offline, building mailing lists and engaging in digital organizing. We also adopted innovative tools like strike funds and civil disobedience, not shying away from legally grey areas when the issue at hand is morally important. These strategies have helped us continue our work despite the oppressive environment.

In your opinion, what are the essential skills or qualities that organizers need to succeed in environments where civil liberties are increasingly restricted?

Fearlessness and not allowing ourselves to be intimidated even when facing an oppressive regime are really important. I don’t think anyone can do this kind of work without a good amount of perseverance, creativity, willingness to take risks and a strong commitment to moral principles. Also on the more practical side, communication skills and community building are essential qualities for organizers to succeed in environments where civil liberties are increasingly restricted.

Have you found support or inspiration from movements or organizations outside of Hungary? If so, how important is international solidarity and collaboration to your organizing efforts?

International solidarity and collaboration are crucial in our organizing efforts, even though we — Tanítanék and the Hungarian teachers’ struggle — primarily face challenges within Hungary. While we must find solutions locally, every act of international solidarity strengthens our resolve and helps us take the next step. Organizations like My Voice My Choice, fighting for equal abortion rights all around the European Union, and similar movements provide support and inspiration, reminding us that we are not alone in our struggle for democratic rights and freedoms.

What role does digital activism and technology play in your organizing efforts? Have there been innovative uses of technology that have helped overcome censorship or surveillance?

Digital activism and technology play a pivotal role in our organizing efforts. One of our most significant achievements is building a mailing list of 90,000 people. This mailing list is crucial because it allows us to communicate directly with our supporters, bypassing the unpredictability and limitations of social media algorithms. While we actively use social media to raise awareness and attract new supporters, our primary goal is to convert these followers to our mailing list.

This mailing list has also been an essential tool for fundraising. Through this direct communication channel, we have successfully gathered the necessary funds to establish an office in Budapest and maintain a staff of 10 dedicated individuals. This financial support is vital for sustaining and expanding our activities.

Our efforts have received substantial coverage in opposition media, although we are frequently portrayed negatively in government-leaning outlets, facing daily smear campaigns. Despite this, we have the capability to create our own publicity, ensuring that our message reaches our audience. Leveraging our mailing list, we have even launched our own media portal, further enhancing our ability to communicate and engage with our community.

How do you navigate the balance between grassroots mobilization and compliance with increasingly stringent legal restrictions on activism and freedom of assembly?

We’re trying to keep a balance between mobilization and compliance. Of course, we are mindful of the legal landscape to avoid severe punishment or imprisonment, yet we have often challenged legal constraints that we think are unjust through performative actions and civil disobedience.

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For example, one of our best known and most effective campaigns was in 2022 when the government curbed the teachers’ right to strike. We started a movement of civil disobedience (this was technically almost like a wave of wildcat strikes) in order for us to be able to show that our education system is in serious trouble and punishing teachers won’t solve the problems. According to the laws at the time this was unlawful, and 15 teachers were even fired. But our conscience told us that this was what had to be done. Needless to say, that even in this limited space we exclusively employ nonviolent methods.

What advice would you give to organizers in the United States who are preparing for political challenges similar to those faced in Hungary? Are there lessons or strategies that are particularly relevant?

As far as I can see in the United States, institutions (in the sense of human rights protection and such) function more robustly, which could mitigate the rapid erosion of political opportunities and freedom of expression seen in Hungary. So, there may still be some time to build networks, strengthen yourselves and establish your own channels of communication. Creating networks and cultivating your own public visibility allows you as organizers to reach people directly through controlled channels like mailing lists. You may have more opportunity to form alliances with other organizations and establish domestic solidarity networks to unify causes and amplify your impact.

Looking forward, what are your hopes and concerns for the future of activism and democracy in Hungary, and how might these insights inform American organizers?

My focus is not on hopes but on causes we advocate for, which we aim to advance regardless of the circumstances. Institutions and social contracts that have not been destroyed may offer some protection, allowing more time to build networks and fortify ourselves, creating our own channels of communication. Establishing alliances with other organizations and forming domestic solidarity networks are also essential for connecting issues and enhancing collective impact. I think it’s crucial that organizers find their way to build a self-sustaining movement. Otherwise, they might easily find themselves in a position like many of us in Hungary.

This article Lessons on challenging authoritarianism from the Hungarian teachers movement was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

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