Myanmar: The Accidental Agora 

For decades, Myanmar’s economy and political system have been heavily shaped by totalitarian regimes and a powerful military. The state-controlled cooperative system initiated under the “Burmese Way to Socialism” in 1962 eventually transitioned to the non-ideological military dictatorship in the 1990s. A short-lived period of market-oriented development occurred under the NLD government (2015-2020). However, the 2021 coup reimposed a state-cooperative economic model reminiscent of the BSPP era under the current military junta. But, even under the threat of stringent penalties, the black market has historically functioned, and continues to function, as a persistent form of everyday resistance by the general populace against the state-controlled economic system.

Beset by civil war since its independence from British colonialism, Myanmar experienced a military coup in 1962 led by Ne Win, who established a one-party socialist state and initiated the “Burmese Way to Socialism.” This ideology blended nationalism, Buddhist culture, and Marxism, and rejected social democracy and capitalism. The BSPP regime nationalized education and healthcare, expelled international aid, and forced foreign oil companies to leave. Strict travel restrictions to Western nations were imposed, while ties with socialist states were strengthened. A sweeping nationalization program beginning in 1963 brought major industries and even small businesses under state control, disproportionately affecting foreign-owned enterprises. Newspapers were also nationalized and private publications banned. 

In 1988, widespread protests against the BSPP’s “Burmese Way to Socialism” demanded a market economy and democracy. However, the military intervened, with the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council) military junta seizing power and dismantling the BSPP, later rebranding as the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council). While abandoning socialism, the SLORC/SPDC maintained the authoritarian state structure, effectively continuing military rule without clear ideology until 2010. Given that it was also sanctioned by the west, the SPDC regime enforced a ban on possessing foreign currencies like USD, mandating the use of “foreign exchange certificates” with exchange rates dictated by the military. Foreign cultural products, including music, movies, and books, faced severe restrictions; for instance, the film Rambo (2008) was prohibited due to its negative portrayal of the Myanmar military. Traditional protest music (Thangyat) and socially conscious hip-hop artists were also censored, and concerts were closely monitored. Consequently, artists and writers resorted to distributing their work through black market channels, with small street vendors selling songs and censored books illicitly. The officially licensed DVDs were less accessible to the ordinary people compared to those cheap DVDs being sold through black market stall vendors. 

Access to the internet was a luxury primarily enjoyed by the wealthy. Ordinary working-class individuals relied on visits to local internet cafes, often plagued by unreliable connections, to communicate with family abroad using platforms like VZO, Gtalk, Skype, and MIRC. Popular international films were downloaded by the few with internet access, typically internet cafe owners, and then illegally copied onto CDs, DVDs, and VHS tapes. These pirated copies were sold by street vendors who constantly risked arrest by city council officials. The government utilized the domestic film industry as a vehicle for propaganda, mandating the inclusion of political slogans at the start of every official film. During those times, the comedians played a crucial role in raising public political awareness by humorously critiquing the government’s shortcomings; these comedic performances were recorded and disseminated through the black market, allowing widespread access via rental or purchase. Even for high-end goods like computers and IT accessories, only a few authorized dealers offered warranties. However, numerous local vendors illicitly imported the same goods at significantly lower prices from Thailand and China by bribing border officials. These vendors often mixed legitimate stock with smuggled items to minimize taxes paid to the military regime and maximize profits. Furthermore, the predominantly cash-based salary system meant that income tax was virtually non-existent for the working class. During that period, electricity supply was severely limited, with suburbs experiencing rotational power outages resulting in a maximum of six hours of electricity per day and approximately eighteen hours without. Despite sufficient dam infrastructure for power generation, the ruling military regime prioritized exporting locally generated electricity to China, which remained their primary international trading partner given their isolationist strategy and anti-imperialist stance. The population held a deeply negative view of the military dictatorship, perceiving it as illegitimate and unworthy of governance. Consequently, widespread tax avoidance and engagement in black and grey market activities became prevalent forms of resistance and economic self-preservation. Between 2010 and 2020, the global landscape witnessed notable transformations in economics, electricity access, and infrastructure advancement. 

However, Myanmar experienced a stark reversal following the 2021 military coup. Driven by a desire to reclaim their agency, the populace has mounted a resistance movement based on the principles of democracy and federalism. Furthermore, some individuals have taken the significant step of resigning from government or public sector jobs in support of the Civil Disobedience Movement. The ascendant State Administration Council (SAC) has since articulated its intent to reinstate the state cooperative system. Subsequent to the coup, the SAC regime enacted restrictive measures, including nationwide internet blackouts and curtailed social media access. Financial support for the revolution is partly facilitated through decentralized technologies, including blockchain and cryptocurrency. Assets belonging to individuals supporting resistance efforts or the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) were confiscated. Moreover, the arrest of foreign currency exchangers has effectively rendered the possession of foreign currency quasi-illegal, a policy reminiscent of the State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC) prior introduction of the Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC). The whole scenario has triggered a sense of unwelcome déjà vu or nostalgia, reminiscent of the Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) eras. 

The increasing prevalence of black and grey market activities, evidenced by the clandestine flow of goods and financial support being smuggled from neighbouring countries like Thailand, underscores a burgeoning grassroots economic resistance. This movement, born out of practical necessity rather than a conscious adoption of Samuel Edward Konkin III agorist philosophy, ironically embodies its principles in a tangible and impactful manner.

The Center for a Stateless Society (www.c4ss.org) is a media center working to build awareness of the market anarchist alternative